The International Dimension in the Balochistan Conflict
Maryam Sakeenah
The international dimension of
the Baloch conflict is linked to the immense strategic importance of the
province. It is rich in natural resources, has a long coastline providing a link
to warm waters for the landlocked Central Asian countries to the north. The
Gwadar port has tremendously increased the region’s importance. According to
analyst Frederic Grare, there are almost 20 countries that are in need of the
trade facilities the development of the Gwadar port promises. The proximity to
China, Afghanistan and Iran and the increased importance of South East Asia in
the context of the War on Terror has brought international attention and focus
on Balochistan. The Chinese have invested in the Gwadar port as it can provide
a convenient link to ‘monitor US military activities in the Persian Gulf
region.’
Recently there have been efforts
to materialize the Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline, which will pass
through Balochistan. The estimated cost of the project is $ 4 billion.[1]
For India, the gas pipeline is essential for its growing energy requirements as
it aspires to become the regional power. The pipeline project can generate
employment in the heavily populated region along its route, and attract
international investment in Pakistan. It can also act as a means to develop
friendly and enduring bilateral ties among the countries involved, particularly
the traditional rivals India and Pakistan. The United States is not supportive
of this project owing to its hostility against Iran over its alleged pursuit of
a nuclear armament programme and its ‘support to terrorism’ in Iraq, Lebanon
and Palestine. The pipeline project will turn South Asia into an energy rich
zone, bringing benefits for both Central Asia and more importantly, China_ the
emerging world economic giant. This is not in the interests of Washington.
The ongoing unrest in Balochistan
and the volatile security situation has brought about a halt to the development
projects, particularly the Gwadar port. The pipeline issue is in a stalemate,
shelved till the security situation improves. The killing of Chinese engineers
working at Gwadar on the eve of the Pakistani President’s visit to China is an
indicator of the precariousness of the situation. Reportedly, a number of
multinational companies find the situation in Balochistan an unwelcoming and
rather hostile milieu for investment and are considering pulling out.
The War on Terror has added
complex dimensions to the issue:
“In the post 9/11 world, a
struggle for their rights will pit the people of Balochistan against a
trigger-happy army on the hunt for ‘terrorists.’ The religious parties, not
quite without support, may oppose this and the Pashtuns of the region may be
egged on to act against their provincial brethren... certain American agencies
and individuals with decades-old links with the Pakistan Army may even supply
intelligence and surveillance aid to their friends in such a conflict. With
Afghanistan also under the American grip, this can happen quite easily.”[2]
With claims of Al Qaeda
leadership operating from Balochistan, international attention and involvement
in the region is still likely to increase. The kidnapping of UN official John
Solecki by Baloch rebels, the cold blooded murders of politicians, civil servants and bureaucrats demonstrates the sway the miscreant rebels hold in the
region, the rampant insecurity and lawlessness and the ineffectiveness of the
government’s writ in the area.
The Pakistan government has very
often mentioned the interference of Afghanistan and India in the province.
There have been allegations of the Baloch Liberation Army receiving financial
assistance and training from Indian Intelligence Agencies, notably the Research
and Analysis Wing (RAW). India happens to be the only country that has officially
expressed its concern over the Balochistan conflict, and called for
international attention, highlighting the Pakistan Army’s ‘atrocities.’ During
Afghan President Karzai’s 2005 visit to Pakistan, the Pakistani president
shared with him evidence of the RAW’s involvement in militant and terrorist
activities in Balochistan.’[3]
The role of Iran has also raised suspicions in Islamabad. Iran suspects that
the Gwadar port, so close to the Iranian territory, may be used by the US_
Pakistan’s strategic ally and partner_ as a base for monitoring Iran. Some
suspect that Washington has an interest in using Balochistan to consolidate its
military presence in the region in order to monitor and threaten Iran and
China. There is also a competition among international contenders to control
the oil and gas supply from Central Asia that will pass through the Makran
Coast.[4]
How much of this is speculation and suspicion, and how much is fact, however,
remains to be seen.
There are, however, a number of
questions that surround the situation and seek answers. For one, the leadership
of the Baloch Liberation Army reportedly has international connections, and it
is not clear where it receives support, weapons supply, training and finances.
Other than that, there also exists a record of the involvement of Soviet
intelligence agency_ the KGB, in Balochistan during the decade of Russia’s war
in Afghanistan. There is evidence of the fact that the KGB had indeed helped
arm Baloch rebels and instigated insurgency to destabilize Pakistan which at
that time was helping Afghan mujahideen. KGB secret offices still operate in
Balochistan and have close ties with the BLA.
Yet more stunning is an
investigation report by five eminent researchers. It begins thus: “Deception
and treachery. Live and let die. The ultimate zero sum game. Repetition of
bloody history: Call it what you may, something is happening in Balochistan
that defies comprehension on any conventional scale...”[5]
The report discloses the active
involvement of Russian, America, Indian, Afghan and Iranian intelligence
agencies in the province. These help arm and finance the militant groups,
primarily the BLA. The story goes back to the days when Soviet intelligence
officials landed in the region prior to and during the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan. These KGB officials have thorough and indepth knowledge and
experience of the nature of the conflict in Balochistan. As a strategy of
vengeance against Pakistan’s active support to the Afghan jihad, Russia began
to use its intelligence arsenal to fund and support sabotage activities in
Balochistan in order to weaken the federation. The Balochistan Liberation Army
was hence the brainchild of the KGB. The BLA went underground after the signing
of the Geneva Accord in 1988, but re-emerged with a new leadership following
the onset of the War on Terror which focussed international attention and
increased American presence in the region. The Russian KGB officials, having
known the area and its people well_ perhaps better than most Pakistanis do_ assisted
the Americans to ‘set up shop’ in Balochistan. The CIA and KGB have a
relationship of co-operation on the issue of Balochistan, the report maintains.
Balach Marri who heads the BLA
stayed for several years in Russia where he got a degree in Engineering and
developed close ties with Russian officials. Training camps were set-up in 2002
and an insidious plan of indoctrination of Baloch youth began, in order to fan
their already existing grievances against the state. The report summarizes the
following points as the highlights of the BLA indoctrination programme:[6]
i)
The Baloch people’s right to independence.
ii)
The concept of ‘Greater Balochistan’
iii)
Sabotage as a tool for political struggle
iv)
Tyranny of Punjab and the plight of oppressed
‘nations’within Pakistan
v)
Propaganda and media-friendly methods of mass
protest
The RAW lent its assistance in
training and arming the BLA, as the anonymous KGB officials interviewed in the
report disclose: “When we first began the BLA, it was logical to ask RAW for
assistance because they have several thousands of ground contacts in Pakistan,
many of them in Balochistan. Anyone wanting to set up shop in Pakistan needs to
lean on RAW. Our training camps have rapidly increased with time and now there
is a big triangle of instability in Balochistan as 45-50 training camps are
freely operating, each of them accommodating from 300 to 550 armed militants. A
massive amount of cash is flowing into these camps. American defence
contractors, Pentagon operatives, CIA foot soldiers, instigators in
double-disguise, fortune-hunters, re-hired ex-soldiers and freelancers are
reportedly playing a big part in shifting loads of money from Afghanistan to
Balochistan. The Americans are invariably accompanied by their Afghan guides
and interpreters.”[7]
The forbidding terrain of the
region as well as the weak communication links with the rest of the country
give these operatives a free hand, and most of the clandestine work carries on
undiscovered. The border with Iran is entirely under the control of the Iranian
Revolutionary Guards who use the route for movement of intelligence and
espionage personnel. This route is frequently used for free-flowing
‘international traffic’ of intelligence agents, arms supplies and money. Other
than that, the coastline brings in Indian ‘aid’ to keep the insurgency ‘alive
and kicking.’[8]
The KGB agents interviewed by the
researchers describe the scenario as ‘a pragmatic solution to a strategic
problem.’ Moscow’s original interest in the region began from its search for
‘warm waters.’ Russians today want monopoly over the energy resources of
Central Asia, and want to keep the CAR states dependent on Russia for oil and
gas. The prospective pipeline and access to sea trade through Gwadar would not
be in the interest of Russia. The US has a similar interest. An energy-rich
South Asia would boost up the Chinese economy, as China already has good
relations with Pakistan. Hence Washington leaves no stone unturned to keep Balochistan
volatile and its prospects of development as an energy-rich region thin.
America deeply resents China’s assistance and involvement in the construction
of the Gwadar sea port.
Gwadar can step up competition
with Iranian ports that can be an alternative route for landlocked Central
Asia. Iran is also suspicious of America using Gwadar to monitor Iranian
territory given the close Pakistan-US alliance. In Afghanistan, there exist
numerous elements in the government who have links with India and harbour
ill-will against Pakistan. They use their long border with Balochistan to stir
up trouble for Islamabad and appease their supporters and allies in Delhi. The
BLA currently also receives tremendous support from the Baloch sardars.
It is obvious that the mineral
wealth and strategic importance of the region has made Balochistan a theatre
for the ‘Great Game’. This is tremendously dangerous for Pakistan as, if left
unchecked, it could lead to the bifurcation of the state itself_ which the
country has already suffered in 1971. This time, history must not be allowed to
repeat itself.
Dr. Noor ul Haq opines, “To
eliminate the external factor, the best alternative is to put our own house in
order. Internal harmony and strength is to be achieved by a constitutional
government established through a democratic process, rule of law and
dispensation of justice, economic development and prosperity, abolition of
feudalism and empowerment of the people, adequate military strength and
proactive foreign policy. This will deter external powers from exploiting
internal grievances and interfering in internal affairs.”[9]
[1]
Ali, Imtiaz, “The Balochistan Problem”, Current Affairs Digest, Lahore,
November 2005.
[2]
Singh, Airavat, “The Baloch National Question”, Bharat Rakshak Monitor, Vol.6
(4), Jan-Feb, 2004.
[3]
Reported by The News (Islamabad), February 22, 2005.
[4]
Grare, Frederic, “Balochistan at the Crossroads”, www.fpc.org.uk, June 27, 2008.
[5]
Saeedi, Tariq, Pyatakov, Sergei, Nasimzadeh, Ali, Jan, Qasim, Kasi, SM: “The
Stunning Investigative Story on the Birth of the Balochistan Liberation Army”,
2006.
[6]
Ibid.
[7]
Ibid.
[8]
Ibid.
[9]
Haq, Noor ul, Dr., “Balochistan Disturbances: Causes and Response”, Islamabad
Policy Research Institute Journal, Summer 2006, Vol.6 (2), Islamabad.
